Extremists Run Amok Against Indische-Nederlanders

Who will now help our own refugees?
Translated from an article in De Haagsche Post published on 4 December 1954

For a short time the end of the Japanese dream of power seemed to mean liberation for the Dutch and Indo’s in the Far East. That illusion did not last long. The Dutch East Indies were indeed liberated from Japanese domination but another, even more hostile power stood in the wings, ready to declare itself heir of the Japanese reign.

How all this came about is known now, and some weeks ago Mr. Gerbrandy used his knowledge to explain an unclear facet in this publication. At that time the old – incorrect – controversy reappeared. This publication has often argued that after the war the issue at hand was not the choice between the continuation of the old colonial system and Soekarno, but rather about the correct interpretation of royal language in which the Dutch intentions were described.

Everyone knew that enormous changes were in the works and everyone was prepared for them. There was, however, a group that maintained that authority in the Dutch East Indies should not be suddenly handed over to inexperienced insurgents. It is now common knowledge that this did, indeed, occur.

Soekarno’s reign no longer has any supporters in the Netherlands, not even among the most progressive circles. The terrible consequences of his misguided politics are well-known and many groups must pay a heavy price. At this time our interests lie mainly in what this state of affairs means to our Indo’s.

The Vendetta
Once Japan had capitulated and it was forbidden for us (Dutch) to set foot on the shores of the Dutch East Indies, a vacuum of authority arose. Oil was thrown on top of the embers of Indonesian hatred against belandas (Dutch) which hatred had been diligently sowed by the Japanese during their three-and-a-half year occupation of the DEI. Buccaneers, robbers, sadists and criminals gathered behind the flag of extremism and adulterized honest nationalism by seeking bloody revenge. In particular, they turned fiercely against our Indische-Nederlanders.

“The Indo-Nederlanders are bloodhounds,” so began one of Boeng Tono’s notorious addresses to the extremists in Djogjakarta on November 24, 1945,

“Torture them to death, eradicate those watchdogs of colonialism down to the root, before they escape to Irian (New Guinea) from where they – as unadulterated lion cubs of the imperialistic Netherlands – intend to build a springboard to recapture our beloved fatherland. For 300 years they have emaciated our country in order to fill the coffers of a white queen. But now Allah has announced the hour of revenge. Brave warriors of Indonesia, countless generations of oppressed ancestors are looking down on you. Their undying spirits require revenge from you. Vendetta!”

The raging crowd stripped fields and looted villages, looking for victims, and started a massive amok against the Indische-Nederlanders while in the mother country victory celebrations and thanksgiving services abounded.

These victims were defenseless. They were the Indisch-Nederlandse women and children, malnourished and without male family members who had been interned by the Japanese.

The excessive cruelty even filled the Japanese with horror. The human remains of hundreds of mutilated women and children came floating down the large rivers, nailed to rough wooden crosses. During this time of uncertainty not much attention was paid to this excessive cruelty. People do not really want to read about this type of news.

It was terrible. It was far worse than people in the Netherlands would ever want to believe. Those who experienced it are still reluctant to speak of it.

The English soldiers did nothing to stop it.

This most awful period began to see its end when Dutch rule started to be restored in wider circles.

It is known that through the actions of some foreign powers and powerful Dutch the so named Politionele Acties (police actions) had to be stopped. What in reality was the liberation of a country of criminal guerillas, was denounced and condemned as a colonial war. That means that authority in the Netherlands-Indies would fall to a small group who supported extremism. And that word extremism has to be taken in most literal of meanings. They were not extremists in their thoughts, but all the more in their deeds.

No More Room
From the time of the Japanese capitulation until now the fate of the Indische-Nederlander in Indonesia is miserable. Many sought salvation in the mother country, many tried to adapt themselves to new circumstances….but that would never really succeed, because in Soekarno’s republic there was no room for them. Some made it to New Guinea. A small core would attempt to create an asylum for Indische-Nederlanders there. Wherever they found themselves, nowhere would they receive the support of the Dutch government, which they would be able to claim. The Dutch government refused to make New Guinea a new home for them. In 1953 the Dutch congress rejected the Lemaire motion which would make it possible for the Dutch government to pay for the travel costs for all Indo’s who wanted to repatriate to Holland.

The group in New Guinea feels uncertain. Many are preparing to travel again to make use of the possibilities offered by Brazil. 100,000 are still in Indonesia. Their lot is miserable. They are hated. This probably means very little to Dutch people because they don’t know what it is to be hated by an Oriental.

Once they are no longer part of the workforce, poverty awaits them. The Dutch High Commissariat supports the jobless Indo’s, but it is infeasible in a country with high inflation. What would an Indo couple do with 200 rupiahs per month when a pair of shoes cost 90 rupiahs and a kilo of meat 24 rupiahs?

The High Commissariat offers little support, in money or otherwise.
The Indo can hardly complain because the Dutch also receive little aid. In the Netherlands one tends to keep quiet and ignore this.

For too long………
These circumstances cannot last forever. The Dutch people need to know and understand that avoiding the situation can no longer go unpunished After all these people are our fellow countrymen.
Let the painted picture speak for itself. Today, it is just as current as it was yesterday and people in the Netherlands don’t like to hear it. Every description of the misery facing the Indo’s casts a stain on the Indonesia (foreign) policy of the current (Dutch) government.

The government rather turn its attention to Eastern European refugees. An Indo says, “It is indeed curious that the Dutch worry so much about the scratches on someone else’s skin while ignoring the festering sores on their own body.

Translated by Kareen Richard from The Indo Project

Related Links:

• Original Article (Dutch)
• Thread at Kaskus (Indonesian)
• Thread at Faith Freedom
• IEV
• Bersiap@Wikipedia

Young East Indies Dutch explore their identity

By Marcel Decraene*

27-06-2008

Kirsten Vos is East Indies Dutch or an “Indo” which is an abbreviation of “Indo-European” – the word refers to people with ancestors both from the Netherlands and from the former Dutch East Indies, now Indonesia.

She is one of 458,000 Indos in the Netherlands, a large community with a turbulent history. Although she is third generation, she retains a firm hold on her mixed identity:

“We don’t have our own country. A lot of other cultures, ethnic groups, at least have a country they can go to, but we don’t have that any more.”

Kirsten Vos Mother country
After the Second World War, the Dutch East Indies became the Republic of Indonesia. Despite centuries of colonial history, many Dutch people and East Indies Dutch saw no future for themselves in the country.

Between 1945 and 1970 this led to a major wave of migration. Between 300,000 and 330,000 people came to the Netherlands, the “mother country” they often knew only from geography lessons.

Two thirds of the immigrants were of mixed descent. This group in particular had a pressing reason to leave Indonesia, says Wim Willems, Professor of Social History:

“When the Indonesians became independent and formed their own republic, they saw the people of partly Dutch descent also as colonisers. So they were pushed to the margins of society. They were regarded as an inferior sort of Indonesian, because according to the new rulers they were on the wrong side during the colonial period.”Not welcome
Once in the Netherlands, this mixed ethnic group received a lukewarm reception. During the post-war period, the Netherlands was preoccupied with reconstruction, and what’s more the country saw itself as a country of emigration rather than immigration, as at the time many Dutch people were leaving for Australia, Canada and New Zealand. Hence the influx of East Indies Dutch was met with some resistance:

“The East Indies Dutch were foreigners and they formed the first large group of immigrants that came to the Netherlands after the Second World War. What’s more, many were dark-skinned at a time the Dutch saw themselves as a white, homogenous population. So most Indos weren’t very welcome in the Netherlands.”

Next generation “Indo”
Nevertheless, the East Indies Dutch managed to adapt well. Furthermore, they were followed by immigrants from countries like Surinam, Turkey and Morocco. This meant they came to be seen no longer as immigrants at all, says Professor Willems:

“Indos are now seen as a sort of white Dutch people, even though their skin is a different colour. They now belong to the category of ‘Dutch’”.
Adaptability
The impression that Indos barely differ from the white majority in the Netherlands is mainly due to the adaptability of the first generation. Indos are seen as the ethnic group that has integrated into Dutch society the best.

But often this adaptation was accompanied by self-denial. Seldom was anything said about the suffering in the Dutch East Indies under Japanese occupation during the Second World War and about the hostility of Indonesians afterwards.

Third generation
However, the third generation have now put this self-effacing attitude behind them, says Kirsten Vos.

“There are people who say that what we’re doing as the third generation isn’t East Indies Dutch at all. Because in many people’s eyes, we aren’t self-effacing at all. We’re extremely outgoing.”
Kirsten Vos thinks it’s important for Indos to consider issues such as “Who are we and what is East Indies Dutch?” Certainly in the Netherlands today – with all its different cultures, and with room for new cultures – Ms Vos thinks its good for East Indies Dutch to look to the future:

“Without forgetting – and I think this is important – what happened in the past and where we come from.”

New consciousness
Young East Indies Dutch people are seeking recognition. They see themselves as a separate group in Dutch society, with their own history and lifestyle. This identity is expressed, for example, in a new internet forum, in which Indos discuss their culture.

The high point of East Indies cultural life in the Netherlands is the Pasar Malam Besar (literally “big evening market”), an annual Eurasian festival in The Hague lasting twelve days, and it’s well-attended by Dutch people of all types.

Lectures and discussions, dance performances from Indonesia, readings from Indonesian literature and Asian products show that 60 years on, East Indies Dutch culture in the Netherlands is still alive and kicking.

*RNW translation (mb)

Many stories of Dutch Indonesians who left Indonesia shortly after Independence are lost in the passage of time. Legend has it that they went to Holland. But some found a second home, or perhaps a third, in the USA.

Michael Hillis, a part-time teacher and history buff who resides in Portland, Oregon, estimates there are around 200,000 Dutch Indonesians, or Dutch Indos as they call themselves, living in the United States.

“Not many people in America know about them,” Hillis, who is making a film about the Dutch Indos, told the Sunday Post during a recent research trip to Indonesia.

“They left Indonesia and headed to The Netherlands shortly after Independence. But when they got there, they faced racial issues.”

The Dutch Indos repatriated to Holland between 1945 and the 1960s. But it seemed that Dutch society was not ready for an influx of postwar Eurasians hailing from the former Dutch East Indies colony.

As Eurasians, the Dutch Indos’ physical features vary greatly, with some having blond hair and blue eyes, and others having a dark complexion and black eyes. Many of these were believed to be Hispanic immigrants and so faced racial slurs.

However, their ability to speak fluent Dutch raised questions from people who were not aware of their origins. Hillis said that the Dutch Indos simply answered that they had learned the language during the journey by ship.

“In my opinion, I think they probably realized that they had gone through terrible things,” he said. “They lost their homes and their money in Indonesia. On the other hand, they had to cope with new issues, such as eating potatoes, instead of rice, and racial issues.”

He said that after arriving in Holland, most Dutch Indos learned martial arts to defend themselves, such was the extent of the attacks on them. Unable to bear the continuing discrimination, an estimated 60,000 Dutch Indos immigrated to the United States in the 1960s.

“Once they arrived in the US, they took any kind of job they could get and they worked really hard,” Hillis said.

“For them, the US was a place where they could work and live in freedom. They did not have to worry about people trying to kill them.”

Nowadays, he said, the Dutch Indos in the United States are into their third generation; Los Angeles is home to the largest Dutch Indo community, with some 100,000 people.

The first generation of Dutch Indos still speak Dutch, as it was the language they were born with, Hillis said, adding they also speak Indonesian because they spent a lot of time with their nannies, servants and helpers.

“Most of the first generation came from wealthy families. They used to have 10 maids in their houses. When they reached the US, they decided that they had to make it there so they learned English. Most of them are around 80 years old now,” he said.

“These people would have loved to stay in Indonesia but they had no choice, they had to leave. Many of them still live in Holland but I believe there many who left for the US or perhaps other countries.”

Members of the second generation, now aged up to 60, speak English; the third generation, aged between 20 and 30, no longer speak Dutch and are unaware of their Dutch Indo roots.

The Dutch Indos quickly assimilated into their new country, marrying people outside the community; most never returned to Indonesia.

Hillis first came across the issue of the Dutch Indos when he read Jan A. Krancer’s The Defining Years of the Dutch East Indies 1942-1949. He contacted the writer, who introduced him to Bianca Dias-Halpert, a Dutch Indo residing in Seattle. Dias-Halpert invited Hillis to a Dutch Indo community gathering.

The Dutch Indo community often holds gatherings where they cook Indonesian food and do line dancing to Indonesian music played on small guitars, which, Hillis said, sounded to his ears like Hawaiian music. They also publish a bulletin about their community activities, all written in Dutch.

“When I first saw them, I was wondering who these people were,” Hillis said with a smile. “They look like Hispanic people, speak Dutch, eat Indonesian food and sing Hawaiian-like songs.”

As the younger generation immerse themselves into America’s melting pot multicultural society, the older Dutch Indos are concerned that the young ones will forget their roots.

As Hillis learned more about this concern, he was inspired to make a film about the Dutch Indos.

After Hillis met filmmaker Marlin Darrah, the project began. They financed it privately and invited selected people to invest in the project.

“I have a strong relationship with this movie, because I’m married to an Indonesian woman,” Hillis said. “I want my daughters to understand the history of Indonesia during hard times.”

Hillis said that the movie would paint a new picture of Indonesia for Americans, most of who know little about Indonesia apart from terrorism threats and Bali. He said that the movie would take audiences to the World War II base of American general Douglas MacArthur on Morotai Island, as well as to other places of interest.

“Most Americans know little about Indonesia. We hope this movie can show them that Indonesia and America have a historical relationship,” he said.

“We also want to see Garuda Indonesia flying to the US again. The US is the second largest country, Indonesia the third but there is no direct flight between these two countries.”

Hillis and Darrah visited Indonesia last December to do research. During their stay in Jakarta, they met and interviewed historian Des Alwi. They also met with a former Army official, who agreed to help with security during filming.

“We will begin filming in April, shoot for 35 days and leave for other shooting places in May,” Darrah said. “We plan to go to Holland to track down the Dutch Indo community there. Perhaps we will return to Indonesia in June for extra shots.”

Darrah, an experienced documentary filmmaker, said that the documentary would be shot in high definition format and would be 90 minutes long. He plans to submit it to this year’s Jakarta International Film Festival as well as to other international film festivals.

They also plan to distribute the movie through PBS, BBC and Discovery Channel.

“I think the film will help the Dutch Indos to be at peace with their past,” Hillis said. “They will be happy to see the film. It’s going to be a legacy, something they can pass on to their children.”

This is another fact that is hidden from public’s consciousness. Apparently Dutch Indonesians history has been effectively removed from the timeline of Indonesian history. We are thought of being non-existant.

For these who unaware of Bersiap, this is google translation of dutch Wikipedia which still does not exist in english or Indonesian wikipedia:

The Bersiap period was a violent period in Indonesian history that lasted from about October 1945 until early 1946. After the capitulation of Japan on August 14, 1945 created a power vacuum in the former Dutch East Indies.

Political activists seized the opportunity to colonial ties with the Netherlands on August 17, 1945 and break the independence of Indonesia was proclaimed by Sukarno and Hatta. In fact, Sukarno was kidnapped by activists (most students) and in his home on East Pegangsaan successfully put under pressure to the Republic of Indonesia to declare. Preparations for the proclamation of the R.I. had obviously started much earlier. Almost all political parties in Dutch East Indies (the PNI and the PKI, the Parindra etc.) did not wish the return of Dutch rule.

With political pressure had Sukarno, Hatta and others where the Japanese force that had an Indonesian army was formed (the Peta = Pembela Tanah Air) but that no firearms had been trained by Japanese instructors.

There was also, more or less organized into a model communist cell structure, a nation force launched the so called “groups Banteng (Banteng one is a buffalo). The armament was sober, she was a machete (a daily tool, each ethnic group varied in shape and size, in virtually the entire archipelago) and the bamboo-runcing (runcing = spear) in a one point cut bamboo pole of about 2 meter long. The argument to the Japanese occupation to the creation of these military and paramilitary groups were: the Japanese troops to support a possible Allied invasion. It is obvious that these paramilitary militias very much violent, predatory elements were.

When the Netherlands have tried to restore authority over the archipelago came to a number of places to violence, in particular among Indo-Europeans and Chinese probably thousands of deaths. In large parts of Sumatra, the indigenous people’s heads off in a very violent manner. The latter is the historical significance of the Bersiap period.

Settlers of pure Dutch descent (totok) were still in Japanese internment camps (Japanese camp), the Japanese designated as protected areas, making them among relatively few casualties. In contrast, for many the liberation almost one years later only took place when they were “exchanged” or liberated by British-Indian troops (especially the Ghurka’s). Presumably, most victims (hundreds) of cases in Surabaya, just before the outright war between the British army and the brand new republic broke.

The organization of the “forces” showed little consistency. The communication between all groups / cells was extremely low: the fixed telephone network was neglected and there were no mobile phones. Effective communication in the city were the lampposts. It then hit with a piece of iron on the lampposts in the cries of the “battle cry”. Great Awakening was the battle cry of the very many nationalist Indonesian youth (Pamoeda’s) in the Indonesian revolution. The two meanings are “Be prepared!” and “shun”. Literally it means: “Get ready” (Bersiap). This course was very effective for the muster of large masses, she was also very / too broad and unfocused content.

The killings were facilitated by the fierce propaganda radio broadcasts from the station “Radio Pemberontak” which openly called for “elimination of all programs Belanda (Dutch) and all Anjing’s Belanda (the dogs of the Dutch), that the Eurasians were intended. The Indonesian Minister Shahrir called for an end to the violence.
In 2005 the Dutch government was still the date August 17, 1945 recognized as the official beginning of the independence of Indonesia.

Ironic, isn’t it? There is yet study to measure and estimate the victims that died during atrocity. Inez Hollander’s book, Silenced Voice is probably a good reference if you are looking for victim’s testimony. Many members of Dutch-Indonesian Community also voiced similar opinion, it was the worst time of Dutch-Indonesian, yet almost no people bothered to investigate this.

It’s like a Jewish who forgot their ancestors were victim of Holocaust or Chinese Indonesians who forgot the decades of discrimination from Soeharto.

If you have opinion to be shared, join the discussion here.

EDIT: as 17 Januari 2012, Bersiap has been covered extensively in English Wikipedia.

Language is really important in shaping identity, and also to the Indo people. Have you been wondering why Dutch never a popular language in Dutch East Indies?

It’s because Dutch serves like latin in the mediaval europe, it’s language of highly educated people.�Only these who entered dutch school could speak dutch, most of the speakers are dutch, indo, dutch-educated chinese, and Indonesian elites. This answers why only few cities are named in dutch-sounding names, and why Malay was chosen as Indonesian national language. It’s because dutch keep the language exclusively among the elites and middle class. It is not “Bahasa Pasar”.

Not all Indo people could speak dutch fluently. This happened because Indo was in fact, became target of ridicule by the Dutch colonial government. They were laughed by pure dutch because of their broken dutch, yet, nothing was done to help them fix this situation.

This made these kind of indo people alianated from their dutch heritage, and some found themselves more comfortable living with natives in the Kampoeng and eventually called “Bule Item” because they live indifferently with local natives. But even so, the inability to speak dutch made them unable to achieve higher economy living, and causing them to have resentment toward the dutch.

Dutch language in Indonesia is still spoken by very few speakers. Mostly are the elders of dutch-educated people, the indo people, and dutch-educated chinese elders. How about the later generations? Unfortunately, many do not speak dutch anymore. Language loss is common. This is consequence of anti-dutch and anti-japanese campaign after the independence.

Indonesia would have been trilingual country had the government not abolished the language curriculum in the schools (Dutch and Japanese were still taught during early period of Soeharto’s era). But again, we can’t blame them since it was period full of nationalistic sentiments. Anything related to colonial masters must be abolished. They didn’t view multilingualism as asset.

I once asked my oma why she didn’t inherit dutch language to her children, and as well as to her grandchildren. She said she wasn’t thinking that dutch language is important, after all, we all could communicate with Indonesian language, so what’s the matters? Well in my honest opinion, I think it matters because inability to speak dutch alienated me for long time, accepting that I’m an Indo. I still feel I couldn’t call myself eurasian if I don’t speak dutch. But I think it’s over now.

I accept that I don’t speak dutch, but I’m still indo. I still want to learn dutch language someday, because it’s language of my identity.

There is never too late to learn. Accepting heritage is more than language than look. There is always time to learn our ancestor’s language, and it’s not the reason an Indo rejecting their eurasian identity simply because they can’t speak dutch.

It is sad �because many of my 3rd generations friends actually very interested to know their own history, but they just don’t know where to ask. It’s very lucky for us that we have internet and could meet our own kin and sharing our experience.

Eurasian literature is virtually non-existing in any Indonesia language. People simply forget the eurasian and indische did exist. The 3rd and 4th generations would probably as well to forget their identity in future, calling them “irrelevant” to the social context.

The study of eurasian in Indonesia, fortunately, still conducted by insitutes outside Indonesia. I just found out that Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies has a very neat library containing ton of journals related to Indonesia-related study, and few among them are about eurasians. I also compiled relevant online articles in this page. Some literatures are not easy read because they are based on academical. But they are too good to be missed.

Please visit KITLV homepage for more information:

This is another good resource to learn how our ancestors lived during japanese occupation, which as we know, one of the most terrible period in Dutch East Indies.

Eurasian and Indonesia had their worst time during japanese occupation. Many of our grandparents might have told you about how monstrous japanese was. They were crazed sex animals, enforcing the eurasian/dutch/indonesian women into their sex slaves. Socially, Eurasians and Dutch were in lower position compared to the asian people. People who couldn’t prove their asian heritage were subject of high tax. The identity of asian they rejected during dutch period was gladly accepted by the eurasians, but even so, it didn’t help to make their life better. Japanese still treated the eurasians as inferior class.

Japanese also systematically ensure the eurasians separated themselves from dutch, by keep reminding the eurasians that they were in fact, never treated equally by dutch and always subject of ridicule. �There was different treatment to Prisoner of War (P.O.W) between dutch and eurasian. Japanese gave impression that eurasians would be treated equally due to their asian heritage. The tension between eurasians and dutch grew, but eventually the policy was proven to be false. There was no distinction between eurasian and dutch, many were taken into forced labor in equal, harsh treatment.

Japanese had policy to abolish any western root in Indonesia. The usage of dutch language was forbidden. Japanese and Indonesia were the national language. Japanese placed in the highest hierarchy, the oriental people was the second, eurasian the third, and dutch at the bottom. In many aspect, the eurasians treated as badly as dutch had. They must prove their asian heritage. These who had less 50% of asian heritage were subject of heavy tax, resulting many eurasians and dutch living in worst conditions compared to previous decades.

Later, in 1943 Japanese starting to treat Eurasians equally as Indonesian in their greater East Asia Community, and they had to give up their european ancestry. It was made to abolish arrogance of racial superiority implanted by dutch toward the eurasian community. The eurasians were demanded to become asian instead of eurasian, let alone european. Many eurasians didn’t welcome this idea, for they still considered indonesians were inferior, but there were also eurasians who preferred to give up their eurasian identity to have better living.

As Indonesia gained its independence, the ultra nationalists announced “Bersiap” period in the last quarter in 1945. Commencing to repel any attempt of colonial masters to reclaim Indonesia, and they swore to defend their motherland from Allied. The eurasian civilians were murdered and killed, causing many to fear living in Indonesia due racial tension. Later, many migrated to America and Netherlands, expelled from their motherland.

This post is merely an excrept of fascinating 21-pages article . Download link is below:
Japanese Minority Policy; The Eurasians on Java and the dilemma of ethnic loyalty (E. Touwen-Bouwsma)

There is one good article here from time, about the eurasian invasion in the entertainment industry. There is never enough market for eurasian models, because they are balance: not too western, not too asian. Mixed look makes them a good eyecandy.

One of my concern is that such mindset actually might objectification of being eurasian. I know some people who are eurasians that are too asian or too western that feel inferior to half mixed eurasian who have these “exotic look”. I found this matter is pretty distrubing. How should the newer generations of eurasians cope with the issue, especially for these who don’t have the vibe being “exotic”?

Does physical appearance necessary to make someone conform their eurasian identity?

full article is below:

We all know that fusion is hot, sizzling, more caliente than a salsa beat. It’s that multiculti urge that propels us to douse a hamburger with teriyaki sauce or buy an Armani jacket with a Nehru collar. Such marriages of East and West are a harmless intermingling of cultures: a war never started by adding a dollop of wasabi to potato chips or a bindhi to Madonna’s forehead.

But blending people is more dangerous. The world generally prefers its citizens in their own neat categories: Chinese, Japanese, Siamese. They represent the sanctity of our nation-states, our flags, our soccer teams. After all, if you’re not one or the other, what are you? If you’re, say, half Asian and half Western, where do you belong? Are you a banana: yellow on the outside and white inside? Or an egg: white on the outside and yellow inside? Or are you, as proclaimed by that most swirled of celebrities Tiger Woods, a “Cablinasian”?a Caucasian-black-Indian-Asian smattering of everything, a global progeny of an increasingly global world? And what is that, anyway?

Once, not so long ago, no one wanted to be Tiger Woods. Especially Tiger, with his cafE-au-lait complexion and American serviceman father. Today, Eurasians are the flavor du jour, not only in the U.S., where mixed-race citizens personify the American melting pot, but even more so in Asia, where race-conscious policies are often encoded in law. In Indonesia, where until recently ethnic Chinese were barred from writing in their own script, the hottest celebrities are indos, or mixed-race folks like actors Karina Suwandi and Ari Wibowo. In Bangkok, where the local skin trade has spawned a multitude of luk kreung, or half-children, the once-despised offspring now control an estimated 60% of the entertainment industry. And in Hong Kong, where the local movie business is in a slump, the one great hope isn’t white at all, but a mix of white and yellow. Fetching young Eurasian actors like Maggie Q and Karen Mok crowd the screen, and through the wonders of global distribution (and video piracy) appear everywhere from the deserts of Tunisia to the shores of the Solomon Islands. “Who better to personify the diversification of Hong Kong movies than a Eurasian actor,” says Bey Logan, a local film executive. “It’s a face that everyone can identify with and accept.”

Fusion is in, not only as an abstract fashion concept, but in that most grounded of realities: mixed-blood people who walk, talk, and produce even more multiracial progeny. Most strange of all, these hybrids are finding themselves hailed as role models for vast masses in Asia with no mixed blood at all. “When I think of Asia, I don’t necessarily think of people who look like me,” says Declan Wong, a Chinese-Dutch-American actor and producer, “But somehow we’ve become the face that sells the new Asia.”

So maybe Asia’s Eurasian craze is driven by the theories of that whitest of white men, economist Adam Smith. As the world gets smaller, we look for a global marketing mien, a one-size-fits-all face that helps us sell Nokia cell phones and Palmolive shampoo across the world. “For any business, you can’t think locally anymore,” says Paul Lau, general manager at Elite Model Management in Hong Kong, who has built up a stable of Eurasians for his internationally minded clients. “At the very least, you need to think regionally. Ideally, you should think globally.” A global image helps sell products, even if no one but Filipinos would ever want to buy duck-fetus eggs or Thais the most pungent variety of shrimp paste. Yanto Zainal, president of Macs909, a boutique ad agency in Jakarta, used all indos for a campaign for the local Matahari department store chain. “The store wanted to promote a more cosmopolitan image,” he says. “Indos have an international look but can still be accepted as Indonesian.”

Channel V, the Asia-wide music television channel, was one of the first to broadcast the message of homogenized hybridism. “We needed a messenger that would fit in from Tokyo to the Middle East,” says Jennifer Seeto, regional sales marketing manager for the channel, which began beaming its border-busting images in 1994. Star veejay Asha Gill personifies the global look. When asked what her ethnic heritage is, Gill, a Malaysian citizen, simply shrugs. “Oh, who knows,” she says. “I’m half Punjabi, mixed with some English, a little French and dribs and drabs of God knows what else.” The 29-year-old speaks crisp British English, fluent Malay, and a smidgen of Punjabi. She grew up in a Kuala Lumpur neighborhood that was mostly Chinese, attended an English-speaking school and was pals with Malay and Indian kids. Gill’s Channel V show, broadcast in English, has a strong following in Malaysia, Japan and the United Arab Emirates. “I’m Hitler’s worst nightmare,” she says. “My ethnicity and profession make me a global person who can’t be defined in just one category.”

Fashionistas love the new Eurasian world. Top Asian modeling agencies can’t stock enough mixed-blooded girls, and many have begun scouting for Eurasian models in Europe and the U.S. to bring back East. One of the top imports is 20-year-old Maggie Q, a Vietnamese-American who grew up in Hawaii. “When you look at Maggie, you see the whole world in her face,” says film executive Logan, who cast her in the hit flick Gen-Y Cops. “She sells because she appeals to everyone.” The publisher of Indonesia’s top-selling women’s magazine, Femina, says a cover with an indo on it sells two to three times more copies than one with a purely local model. “Indonesian women see these girls as exotic but not exactly threatening,” says Widarti Goenawan, publisher of the popular weekly. “It is an ideal to which they can aspire.” Certainly, an approachable exoticism fuels many Eurasian models’ careers. Devon Aoki, a half-Japanese and half-American concoction, has captivated London and New York catwalks with her woodblock-print features and long limbs. In Hong Kong, Ankie Lau, a half-German and half-Chinese model, wins clients because her Eastern features mix with a Western spontaneity. “The ability of Eurasian models to let go in front of the camera is very appealing to advertisers,” says Elite Model’s Paul Lau. “Asians tend to be more nervous expressing their emotions.”

Tata Young certainly knows how to let loose. Back in 1995, when she broke into Thailand’s entertainment industry at the age of 15, the pert half-Thai, half-American singer was on the forefront of the Eurasian trend. Today, the majority of top Thai entertainers are luk kreung. Now 20, Young is the first Thai to sign a contract with a major U.S. label, Warner Brothers Records (owned by AOL Time Warner, parent company of Time), which she hopes will elevate her into the Britney Spears/Christina Aguilera pantheon. Back at home, Young has to contend with a gaggle of luk kreung clones who mimic her brand of bubble-gum pop. The hottest act now is a septet called, less-than-imaginatively, Seven, and three out of seven are of mixed race.

The luk kreung crowd tend to hang tight, dining, drinking and dating together. “We understand each other,” says Nicole Terio, one of the group. “It comes from knowing what it means to grow up between two cultures.” But the luk kreung’s close-knit community and Western-stoked confidence sometimes elicits grumbles from other Thais, who also resent their stranglehold on the entertainment industry. The ultimate blow came a few years back when Thailand sent a blue-eyed woman to the Miss World competition. Sirinya Winsiri, also known as Cynthia Carmen Burbridge, beat out another half-Thai, half-American for the coveted Miss Thailand spot. “Luk kreung have made it very difficult for normal Thais to compete,” gripes a Bangkok music mogul. “We should put more emphasis on developing real Thai talent.” The Eurasians consider this unfair. “I was born in Bangkok,” says Young. “I speak fluent Thai and I sing in Thai. When I meet Westerners, they say I’m more Thai than American.” Channel V’s Asha Gill senses the frustration: “A lot of Asians despise us because we get all the jobs, but if I’ve bothered to learn several languages and understand several cultures, why shouldn’t I be employed for those skills?”

The jealous sniping angers many who suffered years of discrimination because of their mixed blood. Eurasian heritage once spoke not of a proud melding of two cultures but of a shameful confluence of colonizer and colonized, of marauding Western man and subjugated Eastern woman. Such was the case particularly in countries like the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam, where American G.I.s left thousands of unwelcome offspring. In Vietnam, these children were dubbed bui doi, or the dust of life. “Being a bui doi means you are the child of a Vietnamese bar girl and an American soldier,” says Henry Phan, an Amerasian tour guide in Ho Chi Minh City. “Here, in Vietnam, it is not a glamorous thing to be mixed.” As a child in Bangkok during the early 1990s, Nicole Terio fended off rumors that her mother was a prostitute, even though her parents had met at a university in California. “I constantly have to defend them,” she says, “and explain exactly where I come from.”

Ever since Europe sailed to Asia in the 16th century, Eurasians have populated entrepots like Malacca, Macau and Goa. The white men who came in search of souls and spices left a generation of mixed-race offspring that, at the high point of empire building, was more than one-million strong. Today, in Malaysia’s Strait of Malacca, 1,000 Eurasian fishermen, descendants of intrepid Portuguese traders, still speak an archaic dialect of Portuguese, practice the Catholic faith and carry surnames like De Silva and Da Costa. In Macau, 10,000 mixed-race Macanese serve as the backbone of the former colony’s civil service and are known for their spicy fusion cuisine.

Despite their long traditions, though, Eurasians did not make the transition into the modern age easily. As colonies became nations, mixed-race children were inconvenient reminders of a Western-dominated past. So too were the next generation of Eurasians, the offspring of American soldiers in Southeast Asia. In Thailand, luk kreung were not allowed to become citizens until the early 1990s. In Hong Kong, many Eurasians have two names and shift their personalities to fit the color of the crowd in which they’re mixing. Singer and actress Karen Mok, for example, grew up Karen Morris but used her Chinese name when she broke into the Canto-pop scene. “My Eurasian ancestors carried a lot of shame because they weren’t one or the other,” says Chinese-English performance artist Veronica Needa, whose play Face explores interracial issues. “Much of my legacy is that shame.” Still, there’s no question that Eurasians enjoy a higher profile today. “Every time I turn on the TV or look at an advertisement, there’s a Eurasian,” says Needa. “It’s a validating experience to see people like me being celebrated.”

But behind the billboards and the leading movie roles lurks a disturbing subtext. For Eurasians, acceptance is certainly welcome and long overdue. But what does it mean if Asia’s role models actually look more Western than Eastern? How can the Orient emerge confident if what it glorifies is, in part, the Occident? “If you only looked at the media you would think we all looked indo except for the drivers, maids and comedians,” says Dede Oetomo, an Indonesian sociologist at Airlangga University in Surabaya. “The media has created a new beauty standard.”

Conforming to this new paradigm takes a lot of work. Lek, a pure Thai bar girl, charms the men at the Rainbow Bar in the sleaze quarters of Bangkok. Since arriving in the big city, she has methodically eradicated all connections to her rural Asian past. The first to go was her flat, northeastern nose. For $240, a doctor raised the bridge to give her a Western profile. Then, Lek laid out $1,200 for plumper, silicone-filled breasts. Now, the 22-year-old is saving to have her eyes made rounder. By the time she has finished her plastic surgery, Lek will have lost all traces of the classical Thai beauty that propelled her from a poor village to the brothels of Bangkok. But she is confident her new appearance will attract more customers. “I look more like a luk kreung, and that’s more beautiful,” she says.

A few blocks away from Rainbow Bar, a local pharmacy peddles eight brands of whitening cream, including Luk Kreung Snow White Skin. In Tokyo, where the Eurasian trend first kicked off more than three decades ago, loosening medical regulations have meant a proliferation of quick-fix surgery, like caucasian-style double eyelids and more pronounced noses. On Channel V and mtv, a whole host of veejays look ethnically mixed only because they’ve gone under the knife. “There’s a real pressure here to look mixed,” says one Asian veejay in Singapore. “Even though we’re Asians broadcasting in Asia, we somehow still think that Western is better.” That sentiment worries Asians and Eurasians. “More than anything, I’m proud to be Thai,” says Willy McIntosh, a 30-year-old Thai-Scottish TV personality, who spent six months as a monk contemplating his role in society. “When I hear that people are dyeing their hair or putting in contacts to look like me, it scares me. The Thai tradition that I’m most proud of is disappearing.”

In many Asian countries, Japan, Malaysia, Thailand, the Eurasian craze coincides with a resurgent nationalism. Those two seemingly contradictory trends are getting along just fine. “Face it, the West is never going to stop influencing Asia,” says performance artist Needa. “But at the same time, the East will never cease to influence the West, either.” In the 2000 U.S. census, nearly 7 million people identified themselves as multiracial, and 15% of births in California are of mixed heritage. Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon, the Oscar-winning kung fu flick, was more popular in Middle America than it was in the Middle Kingdom. In Hollywood, where Eurasian actors once were relegated to buck-toothed Oriental roles, the likes of Keanu Reeves, Dean Cain and Phoebe Cates play leading men and women, not just the token Asian. East and West have met, and the simple boxes we use for human compartmentalization are overflowing, mixing, blending. Not all of us can win four consecutive major golf titles, but we are, indeed, more like Tiger Woods with every passing generation.

(By Boot, Brederode and Krancher, 2006)

Before starting this essay, the writers stipulate that they wish to use the term �Dutch-Indonesian� � herein Indo � since this is the most commonly used and accepted form in the United States.��The two young Indos in the Netherlands do not whole heartedly agree that this appellation as being the correct translation of the Dutch word �Indische Nederlander.� They would have preferred �Eurasian� or even �Indo-European� instead. However, for publication purposes they adopted the vocabulary used by their bangsa in America.

An estimated 350,000 Indos came to the Netherlands during a turbulent period spanning just after WWII through the mid sixties. The present Indo community in the country can be categorized in three more or less separate and distinct generations, each with their own characteristics and peculiarities.

The first group was forced to leave just about everything they treasured behind: their motherland, their childhood, their ties, friendships and social lives, even their possessions.��As a consequence, all of this makes them who they are � a displaced and dispossessed people. They survived extremely miserable and painful years of Japanese occupation of the land they loved, the Dutch East Indies.��This experience was followed by an equally unsettling Bersiap period, culminating in Indonesia gaining independence and the expulsion against their will.

Upon arrival in the Netherlands, they were obliged to rather rapidly assure their own and their children�s future in this often hostile, strange and frigid land..��They were often unfamiliar with local mores and customs even though they were taught Dutch history and geography in school in the Indies��In fact, they knew more about the Netherlands than the native Dutch did about their colony.��A majority of them never even set foot in their �fatherland.���This has had certain and definite repercussions and long term consequences.

Post WWII living conditions in the Netherlands were harsh and often bitter.��These immigration waves were accorded a rather chilly reception by the Dutch government and by society at large.��The native Dutch had their own post-war traumas and societal rebuilding to contend with.��Therefore, they were either incapable or unwilling to pay much attention to the immigrant�s plight.��It would be best for the Indo to integrate into Dutch society as quickly and as smoothly as possible, to adopt the local ways of living.

Indo heritage and culture ought to be given lower priority. These immigrants should stop attempting to keep their Indies customs and habits alive.��To accelerate this process, these Indo families were scattered and settled throughout the country at locations ranging from small hamlets to large metropolitan areas.��The government was concerned that large concentrations in ghetto-like settings would slow down their assimilation process.

A quiet and smooth transition would be beneficial for all concerned.��It would also not interfere with the real problems of the country�s reconstruction efforts. Having grown up within a hierarchical colonial society where Dutch rule was preeminent with unchallenged power and authority, many first generation Indos had little choice but to comply with the Dutch homeland edict for rapid assimilation.

The second generation was constantly reminded by their parents never to stand out in the crowd, to act inconspicuously.��They would already attract enough attention by being who and where they were, strangers in their own fatherland.��One should remember that the country was not made up of a multicultural society as it is these days.��In reality, the Indos were the first big wave of foreigners to come from a far away country.��They were truly the first colored folks the Dutch encountered and were thus regarded as strangers by their own people.

The Indo culture, people and their background were unfamiliar and therefore not well understood by most of the Dutch.��In fact, many still don�t have a clear picture of all this even today.��So the second generation dutifully grew up as they were encouraged and expected.��Some elements of their culture were still expressed and practiced at home. But in the outside world, they mimicked Dutch behavior to the maximum extent possible, representing a good example of successful integration and assimilation.��Almost overnight, they morved into good Dutchman and Dutch women resembling those with whom they associated, went to school with and socialized with.

One consequence of this right of passage was that almost all second generation members married a Dutch partner, making the transition into society complete.��This assimilation phenomenon is a throw back to the colonial period where the sentiment prevailed that the more white or European looking a partner was, the better his or her chances were to secure a prosperous future.��Although this assertion can be considered racist when judged by current societal standards and modern perspective, skin color and proportion of European blood, were actual measuring sticks of social status in the former Dutch East Indies.

Even though the apparent total integration of Indos in Dutch society can be regarded as a great accomplishment when compared with recent arrivals of other ethnic groups that have not assimilated, it can be postulated that integration must never be condoned at the expense of a potential obliteration of an entire culture.

Really, Indo culture over the years has become somewhat a matter of nostalgia and being anachronistic.��Some of its elements are still being practiced at meetings such as at dance nights, koempoelans and pasars.��Although it can be argued that such activities are the overt ways by which the Indo culture is reflected, only members of the first generation really appreciate its intrinsic value.��It reminds them of the fun-filled times in the Indies, the tempo doeloe, which they still long for.��These reminiscences definitely have a relationship to the past but so not accurately reflect the tempo sekarang, the present.

The third generation Indos is growing up under circumstances not much different than those of their native Dutch counterparts.��Most of them have a fully integrated second generation Indo parent and also often a Dutch parent as well.��This fact tends to create a gulf between them and their Indo heritage, one often too wide to bridge.��Contacts and interactions with fellow Indos are principally at occasions where their ethnic Indonesian food is served and get-togethers at Opa and Oma�s place on the week-ends.

The current Indo culture thus constitutes a remnant of the past, a phenomenon left behind in a long lost and far away country in a colonial setting.��It now merely resembles a collection of traditions, lifestyles and memories tucked away in the hearts and minds of a disappearing first generation.��So the future can be likened to the action of a��broom, sweeping up the last vestiges of a colonial culture with no one to guard it from total disintegrating or collapsing. But is it really? Fortunately this does not appear to be the case at all.

Since the beginning of the new millennium, there seems to be a major resurgence of interest in culture within the Indo community at large, encouraged primarily by those of the third generation.��This movement is quickly evolving in a direction contrary to what a majority, especially the second and first generation of Indos, have envisioned.��Although an apparent complete integration has taken place during the past half century, devaluing a greater part of their visible cultural practices, it has not completely wiped out the cultural values residing in their veins.��Blood appears to be thicker than water and it will crawl where it cannot flow unobstuctively.

The third generation has not only grown up among other native Dutch youngsters but also with those from other cultures a majority of whom still maintain strong ties with their native, foreign heritage.��A sizeable majority of third generation Indos, ranging from teenagers to young adults, have a deep and authentic sense that they are different than the kid next door.��Nevertheless, they have a hard time expressing this sentiment.��Answers to their questions are sought in vain in the culture that is harbored by their grandparents. Fortunately it can also still be found in their own blood and guts.

Through many forms of current mass media like the Internet, by means of social gatherings like parties and special events, many third generation members have discovered each other.��They learned that there is indeed an intrinsic value in having their own heritage and��culture, one that is shared by a great majority of other young Indos.��Many have come to realize that Indo culture is worth keeping alive, a sentiment that has given them a sense of belonging and identity.

As a consequence, during the past few years, Indo youth have created their own Websites, started chatrooms, organized groups, clubs and associations and held parties, social events and meetings, all with the objective to preserve and express their mutual feeling of solidarity and belonging and thus, in a real sense, reviving the Indo culture.��Meeting young couples both of whom being of Indo heritage, is no longer an unusual occurrence these days.��They do not wish to consider this heritage and culture as being only that of their grandparents, but also their very own.

So literally thousands of third generation members are now interested in their own background.��For some it opens up a whole new and attractive world.��A rather strange phenomenon is how they express these feelings. Contrary to the way the first generation behaved in the past, this new generation does not care to relegate their culture to the background any longer.��They crave maximum attention.��They express their Indo pride in an almost militant manner by wearing badges, T-shirts, creating flashy Websites or even tattooing their body.

Being Indo is no longer a matter to hide but instead something to be proud of, yes, even extremely proud of, and to celebrate it.��The third generation is creating their own clothing fashions, hair style and uttering street slang to emphasize their roots.��This culture, once repressed for such a long time, is now bursting upon the Dutch scene with a vengeance. Although it can be interpreted as a positive happening that this renaissance is occurring, critical questions can and will inevitably be raised to interpret and understand this phenomenon.��The following are some questions that are begging for an answer:

In reality, how large is the actual divide between the manner the Indo culture has been expressed by the first generation and the way the third generation has perceived it?

Is the Indo culture one that is destined to disappear or one that is actually still in its infancy and therefore has still room for growth?

Is the third generation actually the first generation that is clearly aware of its own identity and can they still being regarded as real Indos?

Can their culture that evolved at a distant time and in such a far away place, still find a niche in a modern, Western society like the Netherlands?

Isn�t the third generation creating its own �new� version, an artificial kind of Indo culture?��If so, should they embrace elements of the �old� version, and if applicable, which elements?

Who is actually going to close the generation gap?��Is it the first or the third generation?��Or both?

Which of them have the greatest responsibility to preserve their culture?��What is the role of the second generation in this endeavor?

Is this revival just hype or a true renaissance?��Is it going to challenge the notion that the Indos had a flawless early integration and assimilation into Dutch society?

Is the third generation going to jeopardize what the previous generations have attempted to build up?��Are they, in a sense, renegades?

Can the third generation that knows exactly how the Dutch society operates, finally give the Indo community a significant voice in modern society?

The emergence of the third generation Indos in conjunction with the revival of interest in the Indo community in general, can be regarded as a boon for Indo culture, a true renaissance. Questions generated by various segments of Dutch society can be interpreted as understandable considering the short period of time and the explosive growth with which this revival has manifested itself.

Currently, no one exactly has a clear comprehension of what is taking place.��And nobody is certain where the movement is heading either.��But one thing is for sure.��Anyone who thought a few years ago that the Indo culture in the Netherlands was becoming extinct is proven to be wrong, dead wrong.

(Nicky Boot (30) is a programmer for the cultural association �Het Indisch Huis� in the Hague; Willem-Jan Brederode (24) is a graduate student attending the University of Nijmegen, the Netherlands, both third generation Indos. Jan A. Krancher, Ph.D. (60 something), author of �The Defining Years of the Dutch East Indies, 1942-1949 (www.krancher.org) is a freelancer and first generation Indo.��He collaborated and edited this article.��He lives in Visalia, California)

Anyway, Tong Tong festival is one of biggest eurasian event in the world, as described in the site:

The Tong Tong Fair in The Hague is the biggest Eurasian fair in the world. In 2008 it was held for the 50th time – a golden jubilee, with 133,000 visitors!

The event is a sensory stimulating blend of cultural festival, exhibition and food fest rolled into one, held in an archipelago of tents and stands. One of the biggest attractions is the Tong Tong Festival, with more than 400 performances spread over 12 days. The daily entry ticket for the Tong Tong Fair also includes a theatre pass for the Tong Tong Festival.

So, if you don’t have the time or money to travel all the way to South-East Asia, come to the Tong Tong Fair in The Hague and imagine that you are in the East. The Tong Tong Fair comprises the immense Grand Pasar, the famous East-West exhibition with hundreds of stands offering Eastern merchandise and food. Many of the exhibitors come all the way from Indonesia especially for the event. Equally famous is the Food Court with dozens of restaurants and �warungs�; it is one of the biggest of its kind in Europe.

The international Tong Tong Festival takes place in five theatres on the fair site. The large Bintang Theatre (seats approx. 600) is where the� major music and dance artists perform. The Tong Tong Podium is used mainly for acoustic sets and dance. In the Culinary Theatre (�Kooktheater�) master chefs demonstrate how to prepare both difficult and easy dishes from various Asian cuisines. The intimate Bibit Theatre presents lectures, interviews and theatrical performances: mostly in Dutch, but increasingly in English too. In the Bengkel (studio) you are welcome to participate in all kinds of workshops: in music, dance, art, cooking and lots more. We have had the pleasure of welcoming artists, lecturers, master chefs and cooks from Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, Singapore and the United States in recent years.

Ah too bad it’s geographically far, but I will remember to visit this one if I managed to visit Netherlands!